{"id":7864,"date":"2019-02-28T16:18:26","date_gmt":"2019-02-28T19:18:26","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.amazoniasocioambiental.org\/?p=7864"},"modified":"2019-04-02T17:21:03","modified_gmt":"2019-04-02T20:21:03","slug":"gold-and-grief-in-venezuelas-violent-south","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/en\/radar\/gold-and-grief-in-venezuelas-violent-south\/","title":{"rendered":"Gold and Grief in Venezuela\u2019s Violent South"},"content":{"rendered":"<p style=\"text-align: right;\">International Crisis Group<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: right;\">Latin America &amp; Caribbean<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: right;\">28 February 2019<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><strong>What\u2019s new?<\/strong>\u2002Venezuelan crime syndicates and Colombian guerrilla groups are creating new threats across southern Venezuela as they compete for control of the region\u2019s valuable mineral resources. Tensions and violence have spiked in recent months, and could worsen in the midst of Venezuela\u2019s presidential crisis.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Why did it happen?<\/strong>\u2002The ongoing economic crisis has driven many impoverished Venezuelans into working in the illegal mining sector. Armed state and non-state actors, Colombian guerrillas foremost among them, have also expanded in this resource-rich region. Fast-declining oil production has turned gold mining into a vital source of revenue.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Why does it matter?<\/strong>\u2002The presence of organised crime and guerrilla groups harms communities, diverts scarce resources and prompts sky-high murder rates. Their expansion and cross-border operations, especially into Colombia, risk destabilising the entire region at a time of extreme uncertainty in Venezuela.<\/p>\n<p><strong>What should be done?<\/strong>\u2002Providing humanitarian care for affected populations, preserving communications between neighbouring armed forces, and restarting peace talks with rebels in Colombia are essential next steps. Sanctions targeting gold exports are counterproductive and should be abandoned in favour of stronger due diligence on mineral trading.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h1><span class=\"u-text\">Executive Summary<\/span><\/h1>\n<p>Far from Venezuela\u2019s centres of power where the fight to decide the country\u2019s political future is being waged, the vast tropical regions to the south are exposed to acute risks of intensifying conflict. Rich in gold and rare metals, Bol\u00edvar and Amazonas states have caught the eye of officials pressed to compensate for declining oil revenues and general economic collapse. At the same time, violent criminal groups have asserted control over mining communities, often in league with authorities. More recently, Colombian guerrillas and former rebels have crossed the Orinoco River to seize their share of the largely illegal mining industry. The riches and rebel proliferation in the south complicate prospects for a peaceful transition in Caracas by reinforcing military resistance to political change and stoking risks of cross-border violence and low-intensity warfare. Humanitarian attention for populations in the south, regular communication between neighbouring armed forces, renewed efforts to make peace with the guerrillas and cleaning up the gold trade will prove vital to easing tensions and protecting vulnerable Venezuelans.<\/p>\n<p>Local, largely indigenous communities at the frontline of the spread of illegal mining and expansion of criminal or rebel groups now face the greatest hardships. Exposed to terror meted out by armed outfits seeking to enforce obedience, with homicide rates in some mining towns reaching extraordinary highs, these residents also face the effects on their health and environment from mercury spill-offs and a malaria epidemic. Extreme isolation and an oppressive state and security force presence silence many of these communities. These tensions surfaced on 23 February, when Venezuelan security forces killed at least three protesters and forced an indigenous mayor into exile during an attempt to bring humanitarian aid from Brazil.<\/p>\n<p>Venezuela as a whole plunged into a deeper crisis on 23 January when, in the wake of presidential elections widely deemed unfair, National Assembly chairman Juan Guaid\u00f3 laid claim to the post of interim president. The U.S., Canada and several Latin American and European states endorsed the move, but incumbent Nicol\u00e1s Maduro is unlikely to relinquish power easily. In this already tense climate, entrenched financial interests and instability in the south could undermine the prospects of a peaceful change of leadership. Illegal mining profits are one of the armed forces\u2019 most coveted revenue streams; their desire to protect that income reinforces their loyalty to Maduro and gives the government an economic lifeline.<\/p>\n<p>Armed groups exploiting the isolated terrain and limited government presence in the southern regions present other risks of violence. Cross-border movements of the Colombian guerrilla National Liberation Army (ELN) or dissident factions of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) operating in the mining regions could provoke a flare-up between Colombian and Venezuelan armed forces. Given the animosity between the two states and Venezuelan support for the ELN, Bogot\u00e1 may well perceive future ELN attacks on Colombian soil as a strike ordered by Caracas.<\/p>\n<div class=\"c-inset \">\n<blockquote><p><em><q class=\"o-quote o-quote--md u-tac [ u-db u-ptserif u-fs28 u-fsi u-black ]\">&#8220;Awareness of the potential for worsening violent unrest in Bol\u00edvar and Amazonas should inform regional and international policy toward Venezuela&#8221;<\/q><\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<\/div>\n<p>Should foreign forces intervene in Venezuela to depose Maduro at Guaid\u00f3\u2019s request, these rebel groups could be drawn to supporting the cause of the incumbent government and, in the very worst case, perpetuate a low-intensity conflict. At the same time, loyalties on the ground in southern Venezuela are volatile and unpredictable. Eyewitness testimonies point to regular collusion between non-state armed groups operating protection rackets in and around mines and officers from Venezuela\u2019s National Guard and regional military command. Former military and intelligence officers allege that complicity with these operations reaches the top ranks of the government and armed forces, where international gold sales from the \u201cMining Arc\u201d are coordinated. But factional rivalries plague all of these illicit relations. Last November, the ELN and National Guard engaged in a skirmish that killed four guardsmen. Fighting between the ELN and Venezuelan criminal groups, known as\u00a0<em>sindicatos<\/em>, is also common, and has driven both groups closer to mining areas on the Guyanese border.<\/p>\n<p>Awareness of the potential for worsening violent unrest in Bol\u00edvar and Amazonas should inform regional and international policy toward Venezuela, especially in the event of a change in leadership. Colombian and Venezuelan armed forces stationed on the frontier should acknowledge the grave risks that cross-border rebel movements pose to regional peace and preserve channels of communications to clarify suspect incidents and prevent skirmishes involving non-state armed groups from escalating. Although peace talks between the Colombian government and the ELN fell apart following the bombing of a police academy in Bogot\u00e1 in January that killed 22 people, Colombia should be ready to renew negotiations if signs emerge that the guerrillas are willing to embark on serious talks.<\/p>\n<p>Outside powers and the Venezuelan opposition should also curb calls for a foreign military intervention in Venezuela, which only serve to galvanise these groups to fight foreign armies and protect their patrons within the Maduro government. Colombian authorities should entirely discount the possibility of a military incursion into Venezuela to strike the ELN given that it would expose civilians to even greater levels of violence.<\/p>\n<p>Meanwhile, the south is in urgent need of humanitarian aid, as well as a major health assistance program aimed at containing its malaria epidemic. The gold mining industry, which sits at the heart of the region\u2019s health and environmental risks, as well as its profusion of armed groups, also merits a concerted international response. Sanctions on gold exports, as proposed last year by the U.S., would in all likelihood increase traffickers\u2019 control over the trade. Weaning gold away from the circuits of criminals and corrupt officials will instead require a gradual transformation of southern Venezuela\u2019s mining enclaves, based on the enforcement by OECD member states of international due diligence guidelines on gold and coltan trading.<\/p>\n<p>The contest for the presidency in Venezuela has raised fears that the country could succumb to chaotic and violent disintegration. With no place more vulnerable to this fate than the southern regions, what happens in Bol\u00edvar and Amazonas constitutes an acid test of whether this deeply polarised country can exit its crisis in peace.<\/p>\n<h5><strong>Bogot\u00e1\/Caracas\/Brussels, 28 February 2019<\/strong><\/h5>\n<p><iframe width=\"1200\" height=\"675\" src=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/ggRjyHzkQGA?feature=oembed\" frameborder=\"0\" allow=\"accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture\" allowfullscreen><\/iframe><\/p>\n<p>Crisis Group&#8217;s Latin America Program Director Ivan Briscoe and Andes Region Expert Bram Ebus discuss the potential threats of illegal gold mining in southern Venezuela.\u00a0CRISISGROUP<\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h1 id=\"54152\" class=\"chapter\"><span class=\"u-item\">I. <\/span><span class=\"u-text\">Introduction<\/span><\/h1>\n<p>An ongoing fight for the presidency, appalling economic hardship and the flight of millions of migrants and refugees command most international attention to Venezuela. By contrast, developments in the country\u2019s remote and sparsely populated southern regions, bounded by the Orinoco River, the Brazilian savannah and the jungle border with Guyana, tend to go unnoticed. But criminal violence, state repression, extreme scarcity and contraband smuggling in the southern mining regions pose acute security challenges and a serious threat to regional stability.<\/p>\n<p>At the root of the south\u2019s predicament is a national economic meltdown. Venezuela\u2019s oil production has halved since 2014, driving the state to exploit other sources of revenue.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"1\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>On 26 February 2016, President Nicol\u00e1s Maduro created a new legal framework for mining, including the creation of the \u201cOrinoco Mining Arc\u201d, described as a \u201ccomplex and ambitious strategic plan to attract investments\u201d.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"2\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>He announced $5.5 billion in mining deals in 2016.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"3\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Two years later, in an address to the UN General Assembly, Maduro claimed that Venezuela has potentially the world\u2019s largest gold reserves. The country also has plentiful deposits of the valuable metal coltan, diamonds and even uranium.<\/p>\n<p>But the Venezuelan state and foreign investors are not the only parties fuelling the mining rush. Organised criminal networks and illegal armed groups have staked control over different parts of the region, where they command obedience in most of the mining towns and over an estimated 300,000 miners.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"4\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Importantly, not all of these groups are Venezuelan, but increasingly feature Colombian guerrillas and dissident rebels who are expanding their presence along a largely unmonitored border in the wake of their faltering peace processes.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"5\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Their activities will have a significant impact on regional peace and security; one of these guerrilla groups, the National Liberation Army (ELN), detonated a car bomb in the parking lot of a police academy in Bogot\u00e1 on 17 January 2019, killing 22 and wounding dozens more. In response, Colombian President Iv\u00e1n Duque terminated already suspended peace talks with the ELN,<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"6\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>clearing the way for a renewed counterinsurgent offensive against a group that straddles the border with Venezuela and enjoys support and protection from parts of the Venezuelan government.<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p class=\"o-pull-quote\"><em><q class=\"o-quote o-quote--md u-tac [ u-db u-ptserif u-fs28 u-fsi u-black ]\">&#8220;As the illegal mining bonanza expands, the border regions [&#8230;] are becoming more exposed to violence and unrest from southern Venezuela&#8221;<\/q><\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>Meanwhile, the massacre in October 2018 of sixteen miners near the town of Tumeremo in the southern Venezuelan state of Bol\u00edvar crudely illustrated the intensity of violence involving armed groups around mining areas.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"7\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>But this was not the only mass killing in the region. Media reports indicate that twelve massacres have occurred in Bol\u00edvar state since 2016, with 107 killed.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"8\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>The true figure is sure to be much higher; many murders go unreported because they take place in remote places, often inhabited by indigenous people, with limited transport or communication infrastructure. Victimised communities fear speaking to outsiders, even when relatives go missing.<\/p>\n<p>More than two years after Maduro\u2019s Mining Arc decree, the promised big investors and mining firms have so far stayed away. The spread of violent actors in the region and the ravages of wildcat mining operations are harming indigenous territories and their fragile ecosystems. Indigenous groups, sometimes armed, have fought back against the incursions of mining operations. Non-state groups and state forces are clashing more frequently. And as the illegal mining bonanza expands, the border regions of Guyana, Brazil and especially Colombia are becoming more exposed to violence and unrest from southern Venezuela. Against a backdrop of heightened tensions and withering diplomatic relations between Venezuela and its neighbours, the turmoil in these border areas have now become a potential flashpoint for future conflict.<\/p>\n<p>Field research for this report included over 100 interviews with experts, community leaders, military officers and former and current miners and mineral traders along the Venezuela-Colombia border. A two-day workshop with 15 indigenous representatives from Venezuela in late 2018 helped pinpoint the main risks of conflict and instability in the country\u2019s mining regions.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h1><span class=\"u-item\">II. <\/span><span class=\"u-text\">Illegal Armed Groups in Southern Venezuela<\/span><\/h1>\n<p>Local criminal groups, Colombian guerrilla and dissident insurgent factions, and corrupt elements of the security forces control vast areas south of the Orinoco River. Due to Venezuela\u2019s fast shifting politics and the economic attractions of mining, the landscape of armed actors has transformed in recent years. Collaboration between armed state and non-state actors is sometimes overt but usually hard to detect.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h2><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><span class=\"u-item\">A. <\/span><span class=\"u-text\">Criminal Groups and Colombian Guerrillas<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n<p>The main criminal organisations in Bol\u00edvar state are either\u00a0<em>sindicatos<\/em>(literally \u201cunions\u201d) or gangs run by so-called\u00a0<em>pranes<\/em>. A\u00a0<em>pran<\/em>\u00a0is the boss of a criminal group normally dedicated to drug trafficking and extortion who often runs his operations from prison. The\u00a0<em>sindicatos<\/em>, meanwhile, emerged from the construction workers\u2019 unions in Bol\u00edvar\u2019s two main cities, Puerto Ordaz and Ciudad Bol\u00edvar. According to workers, construction unions regularly obtained labour contracts in the building industry through intimidation and extortion, and were already operating as organised crime outfits before the economic crisis caused the industry to contract.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"9\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>The\u00a0<em>pranes<\/em>\u00a0and\u00a0<em>sindicatos<\/em>\u00a0have in effect merged into one single criminal phenomenon, although violent clashes between competing groups still flare up. Venezuela\u2019s economic woes have forced them to diversify their portfolio of illicit activities, in turn prompting their expansion and aggravating disputes over territorial control. \u201cRight now, the\u00a0<em>pranes<\/em>\u00a0don\u2019t need to get their weapons from the government because they have enough gold to buy their own weaponry,\u201d says a NGO representative.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"10\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>The military has allegedly sometimes armed the\u00a0<em>sindicatos,<\/em>\u00a0who operate in alliance with state security forces that in return receive payments in gold, but at the same time these criminal gangs have become more independent and harder to control as they gain ground and expand their political and economic influence.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"11\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>To the west of Bol\u00edvar, bordering Colombia and Brazil, is the state of Amazonas, which historically has provided a point of entry into Venezuela for Colombian leftist guerrilla groups, namely the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN). These groups operated in the country before the late President Hugo Ch\u00e1vez came to power in 1999, but have gained a much firmer foothold over the past two decades as a result of their ideological affinities with the governments of Ch\u00e1vez and Maduro and evermore overlapping economic interests. Official Venezuelan tolerance of Colombian guerrilla groups, however, predates the mining boom in the south of the country. An early indication of the state\u2019s leniency came in 2005, when National Guard Lt. Colonel Jos\u00e9 Humberto Quintero was jailed for capturing FARC leader Ricardo Gonz\u00e1lez, the group\u2019s so-called \u201cforeign minister\u201d.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"12\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>In doing so, the Venezuelan government signalled that the guerrillas could operate with impunity.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"13\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>The FARC, once Colombia\u2019s biggest insurgency until it laid down its arms in 2017, found in Venezuela both a safe haven for evading Colombia\u2019s armed forces and a new territory to expand lucrative drug trafficking and illegal mining activities.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"14\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>On taking office and especially after regaining power after a failed coup attempt in 2002, President Ch\u00e1vez allowed Colombian guerrillas to cross into Venezuela more easily.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"15\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>In a 2008 address to parliament carried live on television, Ch\u00e1vez insisted that neither the FARC nor the ELN was a terrorist group but \u201cgenuine armies\u201d and \u201cinsurgent forces with a political goal\u201d.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"16\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Despite Ch\u00e1vez\u2019s call later that year for the guerrillas to demobilise, the FARC continued to make use of Venezuela as a strategic rear-guard, moving fighters, weapons and kidnapping victims across the border.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"17\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<div class=\"c-inset c-inset--right\">\n<blockquote>\n<p class=\"o-pull-quote\"><em><q class=\"o-quote o-quote--md u-tac [ u-db u-ptserif u-fs28 u-fsi u-black ]\">&#8220;The ELN in particular has increased its footprint across Venezuela\u2019s mining areas&#8221;<\/q><\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/div>\n<p>The ELN, Colombia\u2019s second largest guerrilla group with an estimated 2,000 fighters inside that country, has been crossing regularly into Venezuela for decades.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"18\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>The ELN operates in at least thirteen out of Venezuela\u2019s 24 states, while several of its leaders live in Venezuela.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"19\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>According to Fundaredes, a Venezuela-based NGO, the ELN controls radio stations, influences school curriculums and is closely connected to local politicians.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"20\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Despite taking part in peace talks from 2017 to January 2019, it has also reinvented itself in Venezuela, absorbing new recruits and shifting from a guerrilla force that embraced armed resistance against Colombia\u2019s ruling elites to one with many core operations in Venezuela.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"21\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>\u201cThe Colombian guerrillas are not border guerrillas,\u201d said a local NGO director. \u201cThough they have camps throughout the border region, their activity in Venezuela is nationwide\u201d.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"22\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>An ELN camp even reportedly exists in the Sierra de San Luis, located between Lara and Falc\u00f3n states, within 30 kilometres of the Caribbean coast. This foothold could grant them control over trafficking routes toward the Dutch Caribbean.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"23\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h2 id=\"54163\" class=\"subheader1\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><span class=\"u-item\">B. <\/span><span class=\"u-text\">Expansion along the Resource-rich Frontier<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n<p>Venezuelan crime syndicates control large swathes of resource-rich territory in Bol\u00edvar state and run illegal mining operations up to the border with Guyana, where\u00a0<em>sindicatos<\/em>\u00a0recently murdered Guyanese miners.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"24\"><\/mark>Intimidation and extreme violence have become the preferred means for ensuring local communities obey the gangs.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"25\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span><em>Sindicatos<\/em>\u00a0have also operated along the Brazilian border, where they have clashed with indigenous self-defence groups trying to protect their lands.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"26\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Yet in spite of their rapid expansion, the\u00a0<em>sindicatos<\/em>\u00a0are under threat from competitors coming from Colombia. According to a senior former commander, the ELN now earns about 60 per cent of its income from mining and mining-related activities in Colombia and Venezuela, while a dissident FARC front known as Acacio Medina derives more than half its revenues from mining operations inside Venezuela.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"27\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>The ELN in particular has increased its footprint across Venezuela\u2019s mining areas. Local miners report that it taxes illegal mining operations and related activities, such as the transport of supplies to the mines.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"28\"><\/mark>The ELN also subcontracts other armed actors for its operations, making it difficult to know exactly how extensive the guerrillas\u2019 activities are.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"29\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>But numerous witnesses to the mining business testify that the ELN now controls an east-west corridor across the main mineral regions of southern Venezuela, consolidating its authority in some mining areas as it seeks to spread to others.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"30\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p><em>Sindicatos<\/em>\u00a0still run most of the mines in Bol\u00edvar state, but have recently lost ground to the ELN in the municipalities of Cede\u00f1o, Sifontes, Piar, Sucre, Angostura and Roscio. On the day of the presidential election in Venezuela, on 20 May 2018, the guerrillas reportedly seized a large number of mines in a central region of Bol\u00edvar state from the\u00a0<em>sindicatos<\/em>, who had left them almost deserted while they mobilised voters for Maduro. Armed guards left behind were killed in the takeover.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"31\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>The group also operates along the border with Guyana, where it has reportedly established corridors for financial and logistical support over the past decade, and has sought contact with communities in the Gran Sabana municipality, close to Brazil.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"32\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>In Amazonas state, indigenous community leaders report the presence of FARC dissidents and ELN guerrillas in all seven state municipalities, two of which border Brazil and five Colombia, where they are deeply involved in mining activities. Mining in Amazonas state has been illegal since the 1989 Decree 269, covering the Alto Orinoco-Casiquiare Biosphere Reserve and other national parks, but it still dominates the region\u2019s economy. The three main Venezuelan towns bordering Colombia along the Orinoco River \u2013 Puerto P\u00e1ez (Apure state), Puerto Ayacucho and San Fernando de Atabapo (both Amazonas state) \u2013 are all reported to feature a strong ELN presence. A number of sources identify a combatant called Alex Bonito as the guerrillas\u2019 local leader.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"33\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>FARC dissidents of the Acacio Medina Front, meanwhile, control the area of Puerto Colombia-San Felipe, on the Colombian side of the Rio Negro, and operate in the Rio Negro municipality on the Venezuelan side of the river.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"34\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>FARC dissidents also reportedly run the mines of Yapacana in Amazonas. According to a former combatant from the FARC\u2019s 16th front, which used to operate mainly in the Vichada, Guain\u00eda and Vaup\u00e9s departments, the group became familiar with the Yapacana mines while they were taxing illegal coltan and gold mining operations in the Guain\u00eda region of Colombia in 2007.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"35\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Colombian intelligence sources maintain that the 16th front did not demobilise in 2017 after the peace agreement because the illegal mining business had become so lucrative.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"36\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Several Colombian and Venezuelan miners who travel from the mines to sell their gold in Puerto In\u00edrida, in the Colombian state of Guain\u00eda, say the ELN is also present in and around the Yapacana mines. The two armed groups seem to operate through a loose alliance, along with members of the National Guard based in the area.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"37\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<blockquote><p><em><q class=\"o-quote o-quote--md u-tac [ u-db u-ptserif u-fs28 u-fsi u-black ]\">&#8220;For FARC dissidents and ELN members sceptical of peace with the Colombian government, Venezuela will likely remain a safe haven as long as the government in Caracas does not change&#8221;<\/q><\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>The activities of dissident group Acacio Medina, comprised of former members from nine FARC fronts and reportedly led by G\u00e9ner Garc\u00eda Molina (alias Jhon 40), sheds light on how these groups operate.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"38\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>In addition to mines, Acacio Medina controls 30-40 gold dredging boats on the R\u00edo Negro in south-eastern Guain\u00eda.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"39\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>For each boat, the dissidents receive an estimated ten grams of gold a month in taxes, the market value of which is roughly $400. A criminal network involving Acacio Medina, allegedly operating alongside military officers and a prison guard, flies out 15-20kg of gold to Colombia a week, according to intelligence sources.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"40\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Using the rivers Guaviare, Guain\u00eda and In\u00edrida that cross the border between Venezuela and Colombia, Acacio Medina also allegedly moves weapons, cocaine and money in coordination with dissident fronts based in the border areas.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"41\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Drug corridors run from the Guain\u00eda and Vichada departments in Colombia to Brazil and Venezuela, using river networks and clandestine airstrips along the banks from which planes reportedly leave for international destinations.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"42\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>For FARC dissidents and ELN members sceptical of peace with the Colombian government, Venezuela will likely remain a safe haven as long as the government in Caracas does not change, despite Bogot\u00e1\u2019s impassioned protests. Some FARC fighters who demobilised in 2017 are believed to have joined dissident groups that operate along Colombia\u2019s eastern border and in Venezuela.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"43\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Several ELN combatants also left for Venezuela after Iv\u00e1n Duque was elected president in June 2018 and once peace talks came to a standstill in September.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"44\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Both Colombia\u2019s high commissioner for peace, Miguel Ceballos, and foreign minister, Carlos Holmes Trujillo, reiterated at the start of 2019 and before the Bogot\u00e1 bomb attack that a peace deal with the ELN would remain impossible if Venezuela continues to harbour the guerrilla group, especially its members facing international arrest warrants.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"45\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h2 id=\"54168\" class=\"subheader1\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><span class=\"u-item\">C. <\/span><span class=\"u-text\">Illegal Business and Social Control<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n<p>Lucrative mining operations are not the only draw for criminal groups seeking to make money in southern Venezuela. Easily recruited adolescents from remote and poor indigenous communities, a drugs corridor toward Caribbean, North American and European markets, and corruptible local security forces converge to create a climate conducive to many forms of illicit activity.<\/p>\n<p>The\u00a0<em>sindicatos<\/em>\u00a0control a broad portfolio of illegal activities including extortion, money laundering and drug trafficking, and impose their own strict rules over these rackets and the communities where they operate.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"46\"><\/mark>In a village near the mines of Las Claritas, locals wait in front of an empty cockfighting arena to visit the crime boss and ask for favours or for him to settle disputes. The\u00a0<em>sindicato<\/em>\u00a0resolves local conflicts with an iron fist, imposing fines or disciplinary measures that include forced community labour.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"47\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>The\u00a0<em>sindicatos\u2019<\/em>\u00a0capacity for armed violence is also striking. In the mining town of El Dorado, Bol\u00edvar state, one particularly violent\u00a0<em>sindicato<\/em>\u00a0attacks other groups led by competing\u00a0<em>pranes<\/em>\u00a0with shows of overpowering force. \u201cThey are an elite group that manage parts of the population. In El Dorado, for example, they have about 400 [members] on motorcycles and about 120 to drive the motorboats. If they attack, they do so in groups of 100 to 150\u201d.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"48\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>The\u00a0<em>sindicatos<\/em>\u00a0and guerrillas have troubled relationships with the miners themselves. Miners who formerly worked in Amazonas and Bol\u00edvar said they preferred the guerrillas to the\u00a0<em>sindicatos<\/em>\u00a0and the National Guard.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"49\"><\/mark>All criminal groups and guerrillas levy taxes on mineral extraction and transport, calculating the amount miners owe based on the size of their operations. Miners in turn usually make payments in gold.\u00a0<em>Sindicatos\u00a0<\/em>summarily execute those who fail to pay the agreed quota, whereas the guerrillas tend to give a miner more time to make the payment.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"50\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>A recent case of a 19-year old army deserter who stole from the mines close to El Callao, Bol\u00edvar state, illustrated the gruesome punishments\u00a0<em>sindicatos<\/em>mete out. The young man was found alive with his hands amputated, eyes gouged out and tongue cut off.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"51\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>However, the guerrillas also reportedly resort to beatings and public executions, including for such crimes as bringing a mobile phone to the mines. Drugs and alcohol are prohibited in mines under guerrilla control, with the exception of a small party that is thrown at the Yapacana mines every fortnight.<\/p>\n<div id=\"attachment_7843\" style=\"width: 770px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img fetchpriority=\"high\" decoding=\"async\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-7843\" class=\"wp-image-7843 size-full\" src=\"https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"760\" height=\"570\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/1.jpg 760w, https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/1-300x225.jpg 300w, https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/1-500x375.jpg 500w, https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/1-600x450.jpg 600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 760px) 100vw, 760px\" \/><p id=\"caption-attachment-7843\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">A miner rests after hours of back-breaking work in makeshift mining shafts. Bram Ebus\/InfoAmazonia<\/p><\/div>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h1 id=\"54171\" class=\"chapter\"><span class=\"u-item\">III. <\/span><span class=\"u-text\">State Policy and Illicit Linkages<\/span><\/h1>\n<p>In 2016, President Maduro announced that 150 multinationals from 35 countries had expressed interest in investing in the Orinoco Mining Arc.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"53\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>But any company wishing to operate in the designated area must form a joint venture with a state company, which controls a majority stake. This means foreign firms have to work in partnership with the Venezuelan military top brass, which runs the country\u2019s public mining companies. So far, no major deal with foreign firms has materialised following the Venezuelan government\u2019s initial press declarations announcing new investments in the region, and most mines remain under the control of non-state armed groups.<\/p>\n<div class=\"c-inset \">\n<blockquote>\n<p class=\"o-pull-quote\"><em><q class=\"o-quote o-quote--md u-tac [ u-db u-ptserif u-fs28 u-fsi u-black ]\">&#8220;Several sources said that parts of the armed forces [&#8230;] use their political influence to enrich themselves through illegal mining&#8221;<\/q><\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/div>\n<p>Boosting the mining industry in Venezuela\u2019s southern regions was problematic from the outset. Maduro signed the Mining Arc decree without consultation with or approval by the opposition-controlled National Assembly, as required under the Constitution. Indeed the Assembly voted to repeal the decree in June 2016, on the grounds that it had not been consulted, and argued that the 112,000 square kilometre mining zone overlaps with several protected areas such as forest reserves and national parks, including a UNESCO World Heritage Site, the Canaima National Park.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"54\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Nor did the government carry out obligatory socio-environmental impact studies or consult with indigenous communities beforehand, in accordance with Venezuela\u2019s constitution.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h2 id=\"54175\" class=\"subheader1\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><span class=\"u-item\">A.<\/span><span class=\"u-text\">The Mining Arc and the Military<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n<p>Active or retired military officers are involved in about 30 per cent of state companies in Venezuela, and are present on all boards of directors of state firms dedicated to mining.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"55\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>One of these is CAMIMPEG, a military mining, oil and gas company created in 2016. Defence Minister Gen. Vladimir Padrino L\u00f3pez announced in August 2016 that the armed forces would not only protect mining infrastructure but also participate in local economic development projects through a \u201ccivil-military union\u201d.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"56\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>In practice, this has taken the form of Military Economic Zones.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"57\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>These \u201czones\u201d, which include the Orinoco Mining Arc, provide greater freedom for the military to engage in business activity.<\/p>\n<p>Several sources said that parts of the armed forces, especially the army and the National Guard, use their political influence to enrich themselves through illegal mining, with eyewitnesses reporting that guardsmen and soldiers charged miners a percentage of gold production and demanded extortion payments on routes to and from the mines.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"58\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>In El Callao, Venezuela\u2019s historic mining town, an official working for state mining company Minerven admitted that the firm gets its gold from illegal mining projects, which are allegedly run by\u00a0<em>sindicatos<\/em>.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"59\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Miners from both Bol\u00edvar and Amazonas states explain that a tax in gold needs to be paid to the National Guard.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"60\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>The Guard also operates at least three checkpoints to \u201ctax\u201d merchandise transported by river to the Yapacana mines, where payments are made in Colombian pesos or U.S. dollars. On the way back, extortion fees are paid in gold. One former Venezuelan army general has said that the military facilitates clandestine flights transporting minerals to Caribbean destinations by taking them off the radar.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"61\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Meanwhile, Colombian coltan traffickers buying in Venezuela need to deal directly with a National Guard commander, according to a local trader.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<div id=\"attachment_7847\" style=\"width: 770px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img decoding=\"async\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-7847\" class=\"wp-image-7847 size-full\" src=\"https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"760\" height=\"570\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/2.jpg 760w, https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/2-300x225.jpg 300w, https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/2-500x375.jpg 500w, https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/2-600x450.jpg 600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 760px) 100vw, 760px\" \/><p id=\"caption-attachment-7847\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Soldiers visit a project where gold from different informal mines is processed. Most of it is subsequently sold to state company Minerven despite its illegal origin.\u00a0Bram Ebus<\/p><\/div>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>The government responded to reports of illegal mining by arresting Minerven\u2019s vice-president Doarwin Alan Evans for gold trafficking on 25 June last year.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"63\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>His arrest formed part of a wider operation called\u00a0<em>Manos de metal<\/em>\u00a0(metal hands), in which Venezuelan prosecutors targeted 39 gold traffickers.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"64\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Critics of the government, however, have argued that this sudden crackdown was not aimed at countering illegal gold exports but on installing loyal operatives in crucial positions along the supply line.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"65\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h2 id=\"54179\" class=\"subheader1\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><span class=\"u-item\">B. <\/span><span class=\"u-text\">Protection Rackets<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n<p>Miners pay protection fees or \u201ctaxes\u201d in relatively small quantities of gold, but make frequent instalments. These amounts increase considerably when the ELN or the\u00a0<em>sindicatos<\/em>\u00a0pay off government officials. Mineral traders report that senior authorities take kilograms of gold as bribes. They say, for example, that top military officers in Amazonas state receive at least 20kg in gold every month (valued at about $800,000) to allow illegal mining in Yapacana.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"66\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>This helps explain why senior army positions in the region, especially in Bol\u00edvar state, are among the most popular postings in Venezuela. These generals are often rotated, helping to foster expectations and buttress loyalty to the government in senior military circles.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"67\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>Gold from Amazonas state, says a former Venezuelan intelligence officer, ends up via extortion payments in the hands of regional heads of the security forces and intelligence bureaus.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"68\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Failures to pay expected kickbacks have caused tensions between the National Guard and the guerrillas, according to miners in Yapacana, with one witness reporting an incident where guerrilla fighters shot directly at a Venezuelan army helicopter in a bid to make it crash.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"69\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Armed indigenous communities also threw the National Guard out of the Alto Orinoco municipality after tiring of repeated abuses and extortion demands.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"70\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>Seizing on reports of deep state involvement in the illegal gold trade, and aiming to further undermine the Maduro government, the U.S. has taken action. Following Venezuela\u2019s export of 21 tonnes of gold to Turkey in 2018, for example, Washington claimed via an executive order on 1 November that gold exports were being used to enrich Venezuela\u2019s political and economic elite at the cost of increasing violence and human rights abuses in the country\u2019s south, and would be considered liable for future sanctions.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"71\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>However, no sanctions have yet been applied. Turkey has been named as the main known purchaser of Venezuelan gold, and food products for use in state-subsidised rations boxes have reportedly been transported from Turkey to Venezuela as part of the arrangement.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"72\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>However, and although gold smuggling is associated with crimes that harm local communities, imposing sanctions on state gold exports could be misguided. Because most gold already leaves Venezuela via contraband routes, sanctions would probably only increase the volume of smuggled gold and thereby the revenues of organised crime networks, guerrillas and corrupt government officials. Gold can be trafficked to neighbouring countries where it would receive a certificate of origin, which would be an illegal but effective way to circumvent any sanctions.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"73\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h1 id=\"54181\" class=\"chapter\"><span class=\"u-item\">IV. <\/span><span class=\"u-text\">Social and Humanitarian Effects<\/span><\/h1>\n<p>Limited state presence and scant economic opportunities are the norm across southern Venezuela, as well as in the adjacent Colombian departments of Vichada and Guain\u00eda. These conditions make the regions propitious for illicit activity, while also exposing many communities, particularly of indigenous peoples, to dire humanitarian and environmental risks.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h2 id=\"54183\" class=\"subheader1\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><span class=\"u-item\">A. <\/span><span class=\"u-text\">Poverty and Isolation<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n<p>The October 2018 Orinoco River floods, which almost washed away indigenous communities on the riverbanks and inundated urban centres, laid bare the vulnerability of many local people to natural disasters and the difficulties in mounting any emergency response.<span class=\"footnote\"><mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"74\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0Infrastructure is a rarity. There is no road access to Puerto In\u00edrida, capital of Guain\u00eda department, and the road to Puerto Carre\u00f1o, capital of Vichada, is only passable in the dry season. Main rivers and hundreds of tributaries serve as the principal routes for transport and communication, with limited state control over movements of goods and people.<mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"75\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>Apart from the few jobs available with municipal and departmental authorities, formal employment is virtually non-existent.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"76\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0Before the onset of the mining boom, the inhabitants of Guain\u00eda lived off rubber plantations, the trade in the teeth and skin of wild cats and coca cultivation.<span class=\"footnote\"><mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"77\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>In 2017, the Amazonian regions of Colombia saw a 6 per cent increase in coca cultivation, though local government sources argue this underestimates reality and satellite imaging cannot detect much of the region\u2019s coca.<span class=\"footnote\"><mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"78\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>FARC dissident factions associated with coca growing have grown in size on both sides of the Guaviare River, between Puerto In\u00edrida and Barranco Minas.<mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"79\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<div class=\"c-inset c-inset--right\">\n<blockquote>\n<p class=\"o-pull-quote\"><em><q class=\"o-quote o-quote--md u-tac [ u-db u-ptserif u-fs28 u-fsi u-black ]\">&#8220;The medications available have not stopped the malaria epidemic among miners due to incorrect dosage levels and a lack of expert medical attention&#8221;<\/q><\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/div>\n<p>The lack of fuel in Venezuela has greatly aggravated these harsh economic conditions.<span class=\"footnote\"><mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"80\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Remote communities which used to be accessible by water can no longer be reached due to the difficulties of sourcing fuel for small boats. Indigenous people stranded in Puerto Ayacucho have been unable to return to their communities in months, and are often dependent on sporadically available seats on military flights.<span class=\"footnote\"><mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"81\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Fuel is frequently acquired in Colombia, where it is far more expensive than in Venezuela, and transported to the mines where its value increases significantly. Even the expensive fuel bought in Colombia can be sold at twice the price in mines in Venezuela.<span class=\"footnote\"><mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"82\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>In addition, each barrel of 55 gallons heading to the mines was taxed US$6 by the ELN in 2017; levies have reportedly risen since then.<mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"83\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>A similar diversion toward the mines affects the supply of medicines, which suffer chronic shortages across the country.<span class=\"footnote\"><mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"84\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>A former Venezuelan intelligence officer with excellent knowledge of the region explained:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>All the food was transported to the mines [and] became scarce in [the rest of Amazonas]. I was told that you could find everything that was missing in the mines, everything. All the medicines you would normally have in a pharmacy are available there.<mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"85\"><\/mark><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>However, the medications available have not stopped the malaria epidemic among miners due to incorrect dosage levels and a lack of expert medical attention.<\/p>\n<p>Public resentment over the economic hardships and difficulties of travelling or transporting goods in southern Venezuela, exacerbated by the presence of numerous military checkpoints, have provoked a series of protests.<span class=\"footnote\"><mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"86\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>In Bol\u00edvar state, the main road between Venezuela and Brazil was blocked for more than a week in October last year as the population protested a lack of food and the occupation of indigenous territories by miners.<span class=\"footnote\"><mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"87\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>If food is available, local supermarket owners often demand gold as payment.<span class=\"footnote\"><mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"88\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>The Venezuelan government hands out boxes of basic food supplies at well below market price, but the supplies are regarded as inadequate and the allocation system also serves as a means of political control.<span class=\"footnote\"><mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"89\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Indigenous representatives in Amazonas state, for example, complain that food boxes were withheld after they failed to participate in the 2017 election for a National Constituent Assembly.More recently, they report that government officials are pressing them to sign a paper saying they do not want to receive humanitarian aid from abroad.<mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"90\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>Tensions between indigenous communities and security forces in Bol\u00edvar state underlie the extreme violence used to block efforts to bring humanitarian aid into Venezuela from Brazil on 23 February, which led to the deaths of three protesters in the area of Gran Sabana and the flight into exile of the indigenous mayor of the border town Santa Elena de Uair\u00e9n. Security forces were reportedly dispatched to the area alongside dozens of buses filled with pro-government militia, known as\u00a0<em>colectivos<\/em>.<mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"91\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h2 id=\"54187\" class=\"subheader1\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><span class=\"u-item\">B. <\/span><span class=\"u-text\">Health and the Environment<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n<p>Mining has had an especially devastating impact on indigenous communities. The mercury used to extract gold from ore contaminates the earth and aquifers, so much so that in 2017 a test population living along the Guain\u00eda, In\u00edrida and Atabapo rivers was found to have about 60 times the maximum recommended level of mercury in their blood.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"92\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>In Venezuela, 92 per cent of the indigenous women surveyed in the Caura river basin had mercury levels above the 2-milligrams-per-kilo limit established by the World Health Organization (WHO), and 37 per cent of women among Y\u00e9\u2019kuana and Sanema peoples faced childbirth complications related to mercury exposure.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"93\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>The damage to public health from mining extends far beyond indigenous communities. Venezuelans from all regions of the country travel to the mining zones searching for means of survival and, if possible, riches. When they return to their families they bring with them not just a few grams of gold, but also infectious diseases, a problem made worse by the collapse of Venezuela\u2019s health service. Even primary health care modules set up in poor neighbourhoods or rural areas under Ch\u00e1vez have mostly shut down due to a lack of funds, and at least 26,160 doctors have emigrated due to the economic crisis.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"94\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>In 1961, according to the WHO, Venezuela became the first country to eradicate malaria in densely populated areas, and by the 1980s the disease had almost been eradicated nationwide. But due to inadequate prevention efforts and a lack of prophylactic medicines, a malaria epidemic has returned: there were officially 242,976 cases of malaria in 2016 and 406,289 in 2017.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"95\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>In Bol\u00edvar state alone, more than 200,000 cases were registered in 2017 \u2013 more than 10 per cent of the local population. Nationwide it is estimated there were 600,000 cases in the year to November 2018.<\/p>\n<div id=\"attachment_7850\" style=\"width: 770px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img decoding=\"async\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-7850\" class=\"wp-image-7850 size-full\" src=\"https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"760\" height=\"570\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/3.jpg 760w, https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/3-300x225.jpg 300w, https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/3-500x375.jpg 500w, https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/3-600x450.jpg 600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 760px) 100vw, 760px\" \/><p id=\"caption-attachment-7850\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">The stagnant water in the lagoons created by mining activities are hotbeds for malaria mosquitos and contribute to the epidemic in southern Venezuela. Bram Ebus<\/p><\/div>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>Malaria in the Amazon is\u00a0linked to mining and deforestation, especially in the municipalities of Sifontes, El Callao, Angostura, Sucre, Gran Sabana and Cede\u00f1o, all of which are in Bol\u00edvar state and overlap with the Mining Arc. Deforested mining pits full of\u00a0stagnant waters are excellent breeding grounds for malaria-carrying mosquitos. Miners sleep in makeshift camps and hammocks around these infested waters. One investigation by a local NGO calculated that malaria causes 21 percent of the deaths in Amazonas and 25 per cent of those in Bol\u00edvar state.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"97\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>The absence of subsidised malaria medication has created a black market in malaria pills, for which payment is often made in gold.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cThe plague was dropped on us,\u201d a local leader in Ature municipality, Amazonas, said.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"98\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>One community in the municipality with close to 600 members sees up to 80 people a week needing treatment. In a nearby community, more than half of the 2,000 inhabitants suffer malaria. Ature shares a border with the Colombian department of Vichada, which together with Guain\u00eda is receiving an increasing number of malaria cases as migrants and refugees carry the disease to the neighbouring country. There are currently over a million Venezuelan refugees in Colombia, and Foreign Minister Carlos Holmes Trujillo has said that in the worst case scenario, by 2020 there will be four million. Close to 95 per cent of foreigners crossing the border with malaria are Venezuelans, and 55 per cent of Venezuelans infected with the disease entered the country through Guain\u00eda or Vichada.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"99\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h2 id=\"54191\" class=\"subheader1\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><span class=\"u-item\">C. <\/span><span class=\"u-text\">Community Life and Criminal Control<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n<p>Mining is also changing indigenous ways of life. \u201cFrom the moment the indigenous don\u2019t protect themselves, everything is lost,\u201d one indigenous leader said.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"100\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>On both the Venezuelan and Colombian sides of the border, school truancy is rising with the exodus of adolescents heading to work in the mines. Mining hotspots expose girls to sex work. Young and sometimes underage girls perform sex work for three to four grams of gold \u2013 roughly $50 to $60, given the lower value of gold in mining towns \u2013 while adolescent boys risk their health and lives performing dangerous mining-related tasks or exposing themselves to contaminating substances.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"101\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>FARC dissidents reportedly force young people to go work in the mines. \u201cYou\u2019re coming with us. If not, your families will be military targets,\u201d is what young and often indigenous recruits for the mines are told by the guerrilla dissidents, according to a senior official in the Catholic Church\u2019s social services wing.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"102\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>Meanwhile, across parts of southern Venezuela, crime syndicates and guerrilla groups are assuming ever greater influence over community life. The FARC has always had a large social base among indigenous communities, which the former guerrillas often targeted for indoctrination. The ELN and FARC dissidents continue to recruit in these communities and have reportedly interfered with local educational programs, handing out teaching materials that idealise the guerrillas.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"103\"><\/mark>They have even carried out public works. In Colombia\u2019s Vichada department, a former FARC fighter claimed the guerrillas built about a thousand kilometres of roads, some of them fit for motor traffic.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"104\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p class=\"o-pull-quote\"><q class=\"o-quote o-quote--md u-tac [ u-db u-ptserif u-fs28 u-fsi u-black ]\"><em>&#8220;The presence of the ELN in the Amazonas state capital of Puerto Ayacucho has contributed to a massive rise in the homicide rate. The city of 41,000 inhabitants saw 38 murders in 2014 and 236 in 2016&#8221;<\/em><\/q><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<div>In Bol\u00edvar state, the guerrillas have approached communities facing problems with the\u00a0<em>sindicatos<\/em>\u00a0to offer \u201cprotection\u201d against violent criminal gangs.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"105\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>The ELN also offers weapons, along with military and political training. In Amazonas, a teacher said some of her students lived in a nearby ELN camp, where they receive food and shelter.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"106\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>There are camps all over the region, of which four are located near the Amazonas state capital, Puerto Ayacucho.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"107\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Strategies to bring communities under control also include handouts by the ELN of state-subsidised food packages in at least 40 municipalities in five different states, including Bol\u00edvar and Amazonas.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"108\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Meanwhile, political education in the communities continues. Five ELN-run radio stations operate in border areas with Colombia.<\/div>\n<p>Strict rules laid down by the ELN guerrillas or the FARC dissidents may bring a certain level of order to mines under their control, but at a high cost. Many community leaders have reportedly been killed in recent years. Alcohol and drug consumption are not tolerated and are punishable by death. The presence of the ELN in the Amazonas state capital of Puerto Ayacucho has contributed to a massive rise in the homicide rate. The city of 41,000 inhabitants saw 38 murders in 2014 and 236 in 2016.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"110\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Puerto P\u00e1ez, in Apure state, which also borders Colombia, has experienced a similar rise, which has been attributed to the guerrillas\u2019 campaigns of \u201csocial cleansing\u201d.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"111\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Meanwhile, mining communities run by the\u00a0<em>sindicatos\u00a0<\/em>register staggering homicide rates per 100,000 inhabitants: these include El Callao (620 per 100,000 people in 2018), Roscio (458) and Sifontes (199). The 2018 national homicide rate in Venezuela was calculated at 81.4 per 100,000, the highest in Latin America and the Caribbean.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"112\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h1 id=\"54195\" class=\"chapter\"><span class=\"u-item\">V. <\/span><span class=\"u-text\">International Risks and Responses<\/span><\/h1>\n<p>Colombian territory bordering southern Venezuela has largely been free of violence due to its low population density and swathes of impenetrable jungle. But the rarity of clashes does not signal the absence or inactivity of non-state armed groups. After serving for many years as a low-key trafficking corridor, the border region now faces heightened risks of conflict owing to the increasing cross-border movement of irregular armed groups at a time of deep mistrust and severed communication between the neighbouring states.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h2 id=\"54197\" class=\"subheader1\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><span class=\"u-item\">A. <\/span><span class=\"u-text\">Armed Competition and Cross-border Activity<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n<p>The growing presence of guerrilla units drawn to the mines of southern Venezuela has alarmed Colombian armed forces in the region. Sources in the military report that they have increased their defensive presence along the frontier.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"113\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Colombian concerns extend not merely to the concentration of guerrilla units in the area, but also incursions across the border by Venezuelan military forces. The National Guard has entered Colombia on a number of occasions, for reasons that remain unclear. In September 2018, for example, the National Guard entered the area called El Mantequero, Vichada department, vandalising community facilities and stealing merchandise.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"114\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>Meanwhile, volatile and sometimes competitive relations between parts of the Venezuelan military and armed groups in mining zones generate their own violent frictions. In one notable incident, the ELN killed several National Guardsmen on 1 November 2018 to retaliate for the arrest of their leader, Luis Felipe Ortega Bernal, also known as \u201cGarganta\u201d.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"115\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>In the aftermath of these clashes, several more skirmishes took place in Amazonas, Venezuela.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"116\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>Evidence suggests that the relationship between Venezuela\u2019s armed forces and Colombian guerrillas is highly unstable. In the mines in and around Yapacana, local residents also report occasional clashes between FARC dissidents and the Venezuelan army.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"117\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>These clashes suggest that not all parts of the Venezuelan government or security establishment are content to tolerate or abet the expansion of the ELN or FARC dissidents. Indeed, future clashes among the\u00a0<em>sindicatos<\/em>, Venezuelan armed forces and Colombian guerrillas remain likely, especially because the military appears to have withdrawn support for most of the\u00a0<em>sindicatos<\/em>\u00a0while state backing for the Colombian guerrillas is far from uniform. Local leadership of the armed forces rotates frequently, and not all military officers deployed to the region are on good terms with the guerrillas. Meanwhile, alleged incursions into\u00a0<em>sindicato<\/em>-controlled mining areas by the Venezuelan armed forces or intelligence units have reportedly left behind a trail of killings with no recorded arrests.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"118\"><\/mark>According to retired army general Cl\u00edver Alcal\u00e1 Cordones, \u201cthese orders to kill are not given by the chief of the region. When this occurs, it is because the order came from Caracas\u201d.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"119\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>Guerrilla groups are also operating close to Venezuela\u2019s eastern border with Guyana. Venezuelan opposition deputy Williams D\u00e1vila ran into an ELN roadblock in August 2018 near Isla Anacoco, an area administered by Venezuela near the region of Esequibo, which is part of Guyana but claimed by Caracas.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"120\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>According to a former senior ELN figure, the group has been active in the disputed border area between Venezuela and Guyana for about ten years.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"121\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>They control two river routes used for smuggling into Guyana from San Mart\u00edn de Turumb\u00e1n and five nearby mines.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"122\"><\/mark>Besides bordering Guyana, this area is located about 170 kilometres from the Brazilian border. \u201cThey are indoctrinating locals, they enter and recruit,\u201d an indigenous leader stated.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"123\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>Violent\u00a0<em>sindicatos<\/em>, displaced by the ELN from mining areas in Bol\u00edvar, have also shifted toward the Venezuela-Guyana border, causing alarm among Guyanese authorities. On 13 November, a Guyanese policeman was shot by a member of a\u00a0<em>sindicato<\/em>\u00a0while travelling on the Cuyun\u00ed River.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"124\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>With Guyanese Defence Forces deployed in the area, future skirmishes with the\u00a0<em>sindicatos<\/em>\u00a0or the ELN are a real possibility.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h2 id=\"54199\" class=\"subheader1\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><span class=\"u-item\">B. <\/span><span class=\"u-text\">Strategic Defence and the ELN<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n<p>With years of combat experience in Colombia and an acquired mastery of guerrilla warfare, the ELN\u2019s presence in Venezuela serves the strategic interests of parts of the state and the armed forces, especially given the possibility that an outside power might organise a military intervention to remove Maduro or his government. Precisely what such a foreign military intervention might consist of and how it would fare is uncertain, but an army of trained guerrillas at the very least could increase the chances of protracted low-intensity conflict, especially in the dense jungle regions of southern Venezuela where the ELN is creating a social support base in the communities.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"125\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>In the event of an external military intervention, the ELN has said it is committed to defending the Venezuelan government.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"126\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>Moreover, the end of peace talks between the guerrillas and the Colombian government entails the risk of an outright resumption of violent hostilities between Bogot\u00e1 and the insurgency, with the focus of Colombia\u2019s political leaders and armed forces likely to shift toward the ELN presence in Venezuela. If the two sides fail to restart negotiations, the ELN could well intensify offensive activities while making use of a much stronger base in Venezuela, where the group can now count on money, resources, manpower, weapons and a safe haven. In fact, the group is now closer to achieving the \u201ccontinental guerrilla force\u201d they have long sought to create, with combatants present in at least four different countries: Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador and Guyana (near the border with Brazil). This allows the ELN to claim the mantle of Latin America\u2019s largest guerrilla group.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"127\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p class=\"o-pull-quote\"><em><q class=\"o-quote o-quote--md u-tac [ u-db u-ptserif u-fs28 u-fsi u-black ]\">&#8220;Any attempt by Colombian forces to intervene in southern Venezuela against the ELN would be extremely perilous, and risk provoking greater violence&#8221;<\/q><\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>Despite the many obstacles to restarting peace talks with the ELN, returning to negotiations is now even more urgent. The guerrillas\u2019 safe haven in Venezuela makes it virtually impossible for Colombian forces to defeat the group militarily without either the cooperation of the Venezuelan government \u2013 likely requiring a change in power in Caracas \u2013 or an unbidden incursion into Venezuelan territory. Any attempt by Colombian forces to intervene in southern Venezuela against the ELN would be extremely perilous, and risk provoking greater violence and harm to civilians given the guerrillas\u2019 presence in and control over communities, while also pushing the rebels further into border areas adjoining Guyana and Brazil. Unless the offensive also addresses the drivers of the illegal mining boom and the vulnerabilities of local people, rival armed groups may also seek to take advantage of the offensive against the guerrillas to establish their own rule over more mining areas with violence.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"128\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>So while conditions are not currently favourable, Colombia and international partners should not rule out future talks with the guerrillas.<\/p>\n<p>Armed forces in these two countries also need to take urgent steps to avoid becoming drawn into a bigger fight as a result of cross-border movements and attacks from guerrillas or other armed groups. Preserving lines of communication between the heads of armed units stationed on the border will be essential. At the same time, foreign powers should refrain from threatening military intervention in Venezuela as this provides further incentives for the Maduro government to strengthen its links to Colombian armed non-state actors and to encourage them to remain close to the border areas so that they can react in the event of such an intervention.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h2 id=\"54203\" class=\"subheader1\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><span class=\"u-item\">C. <\/span><span class=\"u-text\">Conflict and Migration<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n<p>Venezuelan refugees and migrants can be found in informal settlements in the Colombian towns of Puerto Carre\u00f1o and Puerto In\u00edrida, although the main migrant flows into Colombia continue to take place further north.<mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"129\"><\/mark>Even though their families have fled Venezuela, men return to the nearby mines in Amazonas to work while their kin remain in Colombia. Inhabitants of these Colombian neighbourhoods complain frequently about threats from illegal armed groups, underage girls becoming sex workers, and lack of access to decent health care.<mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"130\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<p>These refugees and migrants endure hardship in Colombia\u2019s southern border towns but stress that they cannot go back to Venezuela, especially those who have been forcibly displaced by armed groups. People who worked in the Venezuelan mines and fled to Colombia say it has become too violent. \u201cEverybody wants to be boss,\u201d a former miner explained, in relation to the violence, adding that the guerrillas had taken over several mines in Bol\u00edvar where she had previously worked under the\u00a0<em>sindicatos<\/em>.<mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"131\"><\/mark>Indigenous leaders opposed to Maduro\u2019s government or to the presence of the guerrillas are subjected to violence and even assassination. Some indigenous groups in Bol\u00edvar and Amazonas have armed themselves, or been given weapons by the state, to fend off violent intruders, creating yet more armed actors.<mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"132\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<div class=\"o-image o-image--cover\">\n<div id=\"attachment_7853\" style=\"width: 770px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-7853\" class=\"wp-image-7853 size-full\" src=\"https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/4.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"760\" height=\"570\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/4.jpg 760w, https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/4-300x225.jpg 300w, https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/4-500x375.jpg 500w, https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/4-600x450.jpg 600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 760px) 100vw, 760px\" \/><p id=\"caption-attachment-7853\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Families working in the mining areas come from far away to look for a new livelihood, but expose themselves to extreme health and security risks. Bram Ebus\/InfoAmazonia<\/p><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div><\/div>\n<div>\n<p>In light of the escalating violence in the region, the growing number of armed actors and their effects on migration and refugee flows, the Colombian government, with the support of foreign donors, should attend to humanitarian needs along the southern border. Furthermore, the practical difficulties in resuming peace talks between the Colombian government and the ELN should not lead Bogot\u00e1 to neglect the imperative of averting a resumption of hostilities between the two that would worsen the humanitarian crisis.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h2 id=\"54205\" class=\"subheader1\"><span style=\"color: #808080;\"><span class=\"u-item\">D. <\/span><span class=\"u-text\">Cleaning Up the Gold Trade<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n<p>Foreign powers need to find alternatives to imposing sanctions on gold exports, which \u2013 as noted \u2013 boosts trafficking and criminal control over the trade. At present, much of the gold extracted in southern Venezuela is smuggled into neighbouring countries and islands in the Caribbean region and subsequently legalised there, thereby changing the gold\u2019s reported country of origin.<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"133\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>As a result, companies importing gold from Latin America and the Caribbean cannot simply rely on official customs documents as proof that gold has not been mined illegally in Venezuela.<\/p>\n<p>One possible alternative approach would be to encourage countries in which gold is traded to take additional steps to ensure that mineral trading companies and all firms connected to the business adhere to strict due diligence guidelines. These include supply chain checks based on international standards from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) such as those enshrined in the Dodd-Frank Act for U.S. companies, signed into law in July 2010, and the EU supply chain due diligence obligations concerning minerals from conflict-affected and high-risk areas, which enter fully into force in 2021.<mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"134\"><\/mark><\/p>\n<div class=\"c-inset \">\n<blockquote>\n<p class=\"o-pull-quote\"><em><q class=\"o-quote o-quote--md u-tac [ u-db u-ptserif u-fs28 u-fsi u-black ]\">&#8220;Supply chain due diligence can be an effective alternative to unilateral sanctions if implemented in full and rigorously applied&#8221;<\/q><\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/div>\n<p>Due diligence guidance from the OECD provides an international benchmark for efforts to clean up mineral supply chains. Currently, 35 OECD member states and eight non-members, including Colombia<span class=\"footnote\" contenteditable=\"false\"><mark class=\"o-footnote js-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"135\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>and Brazil, have signed up to these guidelines, which set down standards for mineral trading firms and mandate regular reports and independent audits from signatory countries.<span class=\"footnote\"><mark class=\"js-footnote o-footnote\" data-footnote-index=\"136\"><\/mark>\u00a0<\/span>These standards are voluntary commitments that companies are encouraged to adopt, however, and individual member states decide whether to make them legally binding or not. So far, they have been introduced into law by the U.S. through the Dodd-Frank Act, and by countries where natural resources have been linked to conflict and human rights abuses, such as the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and Burundi.<\/p>\n<p>Supply chain due diligence can be an effective alternative to unilateral sanctions if implemented in full and rigorously applied. It would not prevent companies buying and trading gold from Venezuela or other countries in Latin America, but would require those doing so, as well as associated financial institutions and commodity exchanges, to show they are employing appropriate care to ensure they know the legal origin of the minerals and are not funding armed groups, sanctioned regimes or human rights abusers. Although these measures would not transform Venezuelan gold production instantly, they would place pressure on major parts of the supply chain to halt these abuses.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h1 id=\"54209\" class=\"chapter\"><span class=\"u-item\">VI. <\/span><span class=\"u-text\">Conclusion<\/span><\/h1>\n<p>Security in southern Venezuela has deteriorated alarmingly in recent years as various armed state and non-state actors compete over access to natural resources and prey on local populations in their struggle for power and territorial control. Venezuela\u2019s armed forces, the most visible state presence in the region, have not merely failed to avert this violence but, according to numerous eyewitness accounts, have abetted and profited from the pillaging of minerals across a land corridor starting at the Colombian border and extending to Brazil and Guyana. Alienated from the state and impoverished in the wake of Venezuela\u2019s economic collapse, many local people have been drawn into the clutches of armed groups and the lifeline that illicit mining provides.<\/p>\n<p>Against a backdrop of total estrangement between the incumbent Venezuelan government and its neighbours Colombia and Brazil, cross-border movements of guerrillas with links to Venezuelan security forces pose clear dangers for regional stability. Threats of an invasion from outside powers exacerbate border tensions and, if carried out, could inflict greater suffering on civilians and plunge the region into violent fighting between rival armed factions. The brittle and volatile alliances among various armed actors in southern Venezuela heighten these risks. Frequent clashes among them and shifts in their power and support base expose the region \u2013 and the border areas with Colombia and Guyana in particular \u2013 to unexpected spikes in armed violence, and to the forced displacement of local populations.<\/p>\n<div class=\"c-inset c-inset--right\">\n<blockquote>\n<p class=\"o-pull-quote\"><em><q class=\"o-quote o-quote--md u-tac [ u-db u-ptserif u-fs28 u-fsi u-black ]\">&#8220;Both neighbouring countries and the Venezuelan government should acknowledge the risks of border violence and the potential for worsening regional hostilities&#8221;<\/q><\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/div>\n<p>Even as the political crisis in Venezuela unfolds, neighbouring countries and concerned foreign states should seek to mitigate both the threat of a broader regional crisis and the dangers local communities face. This means that, whatever their political differences, both neighbouring countries and the Venezuelan government should acknowledge the risks of border violence and the potential for worsening regional hostilities; as a result, they should seek to maintain stable channels of communication between their armed forces and between top political officials. It also means that UN agencies should respond to worsening conflict, human rights abuses and health risks, and tend to the humanitarian needs of residents and refugees across southern Venezuela and adjacent border areas. Venezuela for its part should stop impeding international aid agencies wishing to assist vulnerable populations, while Colombia should not close the door on future talks with the ELN. A military intervention aimed at striking the guerrillas\u2019 Venezuelan bases, which could inflame already heightened tensions, must be avoided.<\/p>\n<p>Lastly, the U.S. should refrain from imposing sanctions on gold production and exports aimed at punishing and financially isolating Venezuelan government and military elites. Nor is it realistic in current circumstances to propose the immediate creation of a legal mining sector: all minerals leaving Venezuela are linked to illicit activities to some degree. Instead, OECD member states that are already signatories to initiatives aimed at reducing the trade in minerals from conflict zones should introduce proper due diligence standards into law. These should apply to all companies involved in trading minerals leaving Venezuela and countries in Latin America and the Caribbean through which illegal Venezuelan minerals pass, with the aim of encouraging the gradual establishment of legal mining practices in the country.<\/p>\n<p>The fate of Bol\u00edvar and Amazonas is inextricably linked to Venezuela\u2019s political future and questions of whether and when it will exit its current quagmire. But the suffering and extreme isolation of local communities, as well as the threats that mining riches and armed factions pose across the region, should put the south at the centre of concern for the future of Venezuela.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p>Taken from: https:\/\/www.crisisgroup.org\/latin-america-caribbean\/andes\/venezuela\/073-gold-and-grief-venezuelas-violent-south<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>International Crisis Group Latin America &amp; Caribbean 28 February 2019 &nbsp; What\u2019s new?\u2002Venezuelan crime syndicates and Colombian guerrilla groups are creating new threats across southern Venezuela as they compete for control of the region\u2019s valuable mineral resources. Tensions and violence have spiked in recent months, and could worsen in the midst of Venezuela\u2019s presidential crisis.&hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":321,"featured_media":7857,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-7864","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-radar","category-3","description-off"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7864","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/321"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=7864"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7864\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7870,"href":"https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7864\/revisions\/7870"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/7857"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=7864"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=7864"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.raisg.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=7864"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}